By 
By Leo Chamahwinya
In 1980 all welfare societies were banned and KANU became a de jure single party system in Kenya. All ethnic and regional welfare societies were disbanded due to the fact that they acted as catalysts for political candidates. Even within KANU itself factions and disciplinary wings were created so as to punish those who went against the president’s commands.
Are the illegitimate recalls good for our democracy?
There is no doubt that the illegitimate recalls are a recipe for disaster, in fact the recalls are only meant to give ZANU PF 2/3 majority in Parliament so that it can shred and reverse the constitutional achievements we recorded as a country when Zimbabwe adopted a new constitution in May 2013. The Zimbabwean constitution is a product of protracted process which began before year 2000 and a lot of political developments happened for the country to realise such a progressive constitution. Neuberger (1974) argues that there are three important factors that determines progressive political culture and they include; political stability, economic development and nation building. Most importantly there is need to allow some level of freedom and healthy political competition within whatever political framework is adopted. At the end of the day it all boils down to the essence of governance which is all about the structures and processes designed to ensure accountability, transparency, rule of law, respect of human rights, equity and inclusiveness, empowerment and broad-based participation through democratic and peaceful elections.
Any lessons for Zimbabwe from KANU Scenario?
Using Kenya as a case study provides us with a scenario where the single party system degenerated into authoritarianism and thus becoming a hindrance to economic development.
President Mnangagwa has been on a crusade preaching about nation building. All the efforts will remain lip service if the country continues with these unprecedented political developments where crooks and criminals are allowed to recall elected members of parliament willingly without any consequences. Nation building cannot be achieved where the freedom of members of the legislature, interest groups, local authorities and other avenues of popular participation are curtailed.
Tshabangu and cabal inspired recalls, surveillance and the use of watchdogs will lead to fear and thus no real political competition and debate will ever happen in that multimillion-dollar Chinees funded Mt Hampden Parliament. The remaining legislatures will not have the freedom and dexterity to discuss issues of national interests and those who dare to challenge the status quo will not survive Tshabangu guillotine. It is now a reality that chances of the opposition to clinch power or meaningfully contribute in parliament have been thwarted by the unfavourable political framework that is in place.
Opposition members of parliament except few who are linked to Tshabangu are as now as dead as dodo.
Zimbabwe marching towards one party state
It must be placed on record that in August 2023 ZANU PF failed to achieve the two thirds it sought in Parliament, winning 137 of the 210 National Assembly seats contested, with the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) managing 73. This was however reversed by the illegitimate and criminal acts of recalling legitimately elected members of parliament by a fraudster claiming to be interim Secretary General of the opposition Tshabangu and Zimbabweans will never forgive this man.
A one-party could be de facto or de jure. If it is de facto, it means there are other political parties in existence but one particular party overshadows all other parties. Zimbabwe has become a de fact one party state. This is evident because the activities of the main opposition have been completely outlawed such that even the opposition members of parliament are recalled by unknown individuals. Secondly, the chances of the opposition to meaningfully provide checks and balances have been thwarted by the unfavourable legal framework that is in place.
One party dominance in parliament is undemocratic. It can degenerate into a dictorship. Our parliament has created a situation where little room is given for the existence of opposition parties. For that reason, even if the ruling party goes wrong it cannot be criticised and no meaningful debate will ever take place in that parliament.
Astute and experienced politicians are resigning in mass and some are recalled. Very few people will contribute their quota to the development of the state because their ideological orientation is symmetrical opposed to that of the ruling party.
Checks and balances on the power of government. The tendency is there for the government to become corrupt and to shield corrupt government officials.
Apathy. Where one party perpetuates itself in power for too long and there are no alternative for the citizenry to choose from, people become less concerned about what goes on in the country and this may lead to political apathy. For example, 3 February 2024 By-Elections held in Pelandaba- Tshabalala Constituency crystal depicts voter apathy.
Joseph Tshuma from ZANU PF garnered paltry 1, 845 votes and was declared a winner in a constituency with more than 10 000 people who are registered as voters.
In addition, the operation of one-party system for a long time may lead to the abuse of human rights since there will be no checks and balances.
Zimbabwe human rights record is not clean and the government has been accused of violating and infringing the rights of its citizens for a very long time.
In conclusion, one party dominance in Zimbabwe has been perpetuated by a plethora of tactics such as electoral manipulation, crushing of opposition political parties, undue influence of the judiciary, use of state resources for party use, resource capture and control patronage and clientelism.
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